Keum Tae-sup
The author is a former lawmaker and prosecutor.
Conservatism in Korea faces what can only be described as an existential crisis. Nowhere is this more evident than in the main opposition, the People Power Party (PPP). With local election prospects projected at a lopsided disadvantage, the outlook is grim. Yet beyond electoral arithmetic, the deeper concern is the party’s day-to-day paralysis. It has failed to follow through on a proposed name change, abruptly canceled plans to unveil a flagship campaign pledge and had its nomination committee chair resign twice. These are not isolated missteps but signs of a party struggling to perform even its most basic functions.
A campaign poster of then-presidential candidate Yoon Suk Yeol hangs on the People Power Party's headquarters building in Yeouido, Seoul, on Feb. 15, 2022, the first day of the official campaign period for the 20th presidential election. [JOONGANG ILBO]
In an era increasingly defined by post-ideological politics, one might question whether conservatism must survive at all. Still, few would dispute the need for a credible opposition capable of checking a dominant governing force that controls both the legislature and the executive. Unchecked power breeds arrogance and risks veering into extremism. The question, then, is how to repair a malfunctioning opposition. Within political circles and the media, one common answer has been to focus on personalities. The so-called three-pronged alliance theory suggests that figures like Oh Se-hoon, Seoul's conservative mayor, Lee Jun-seok, Reform Party leader and third-party candidate in the 2025 presidential election, and Han Dong-hoon, former President Yoon Suk Yeol's justice minister-turned-detractor, could unite, inspire voters and deliver electoral gains.
But such approaches fail to resonate with the public. Attempts to overcome crises by changing the party’s outward image have already been tried, most notably when Yoon was picked as the PPP's presidential candidate in 2022. When the symptoms are severe, cosmetic fixes are insufficient. A more fundamental prescription is required. Politics must return to basics, reassessing its core responsibilities and executing them effectively to regain public trust. In this era, that responsibility should center on protecting society’s most vulnerable.
A broader look at the world reinforces this view. Increasingly, societies are fragmenting. People exchange information within like-minded circles while openly expressing hostility toward those with different views. This is one of the unintended consequences of globalization. Since the 1980s, globalization has brought unprecedented wealth and improved living standards. Yet its benefits have been unevenly distributed, concentrated among a small elite, leaving many others with frustration and a sense of inferiority. While a tiny minority has accumulated wealth beyond what they could spend in generations, the majority struggles even to secure stable employment that offers dignity. The rapid rise of artificial intelligence is likely to deepen these divides.
Into this environment has stepped what can be called the politics of anger. Rather than solving problems, it assigns blame to specific groups and uses that resentment as political fuel. The tariff war pursued by U.S. President Donald Trump, despite opposition from experts, reflects this logic. By attributing the decline of domestic manufacturing to foreign actors, it channels the anger of displaced workers into political momentum. Similar dynamics can be seen in political polarization, ethnic and religious conflicts and even persistent gender tensions among younger generations.
In Korea, this form of politics has largely been employed by the progressive camp led by the Democratic Party. When social contradictions surface, they are often attributed to entrenched interests allegedly rooted in pro-Japanese collaborators, echoing how Trump frames the decline of the United States as the result of a “deep state.” Campaigns such as the corruption eradication drive under former President Moon Jae-in, and the current administration’s insurrection eradication drive, reflect similar patterns.
Yet the politics of anger rarely solves substantive social problems. Its greatest harm falls on the most vulnerable. Despite the intensity of past campaigns, it is difficult to argue that everyday life has meaningfully improved. If the current government were to devote its full term to such efforts, it is unclear how that would materially benefit those in need. There is a reason this style of politics, once sweeping across the globe, is gradually losing its appeal.
Jang Dong-hyeok, left, leader of the People Power Party, poses with Kim Min-soo, a supreme council member of the party, in front of the U.S. Capitol in Washington during his visit to the United States. [SCREEN CAPTURE]
This is where the PPP must focus its efforts. It needs to highlight how slogans such as “prosecution reform” or other politically charged issues often bear little relevance to the daily lives of ordinary people. More importantly, it must present and act on issues that genuinely matter. At present, such efforts are scarcely visible. The party’s outreach rarely extends beyond symbolic venues. It criticizes legislation like the so-called Yellow Envelope law on labor reform or the Serious Accidents Punishment Act, yet it has shown little engagement with subcontracted workers or serious inquiry into reducing industrial fatalities.
If progressives excel in rhetoric, conservatives have traditionally prided themselves on delivering tangible results. The path forward lies there. The opposition must identify the real problems faced by ordinary people and bring them to the forefront of national attention. Only then can it persuade voters that conservatism remains necessary. Past slogans, such as calls to revive a disgraced presidency, failed not only because of their implausibility but because they were detached from everyday concerns.
The decline of a single party may not matter in itself. But a political landscape in which one force governs indefinitely without the possibility of alternation is troubling. For the health of Korea’s democracy, conservatives must undergo a fundamental awakening.
This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.
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