Unchecked power often invites political backlash

Kim Sung-tak

The author is an editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo.

During the Lee Myung-bak administration in December 2010, the ruling Grand National Party, which held a parliamentary majority, unilaterally passed the annual budget bill. The main opposition Democratic Party (DP) responded fiercely and declared that it would “resist to the end against a dictatorship that seeks to crush democracy.” Other opposition parties condemned the Grand National Party’s move as a “parliamentary outrage by the regime, of the regime and for the regime,” even calling it a declaration of war against the people.

People Power Party lawmakers stage a protest with placards condemning the Democratic Party’s three judicial reform bills as a vote is held to end a filibuster on a revision to the Court Organization Act, which includes expanding the number of Supreme Court justices, during a plenary session of the National Assembly in Yeouido, western Seoul, on Feb. 28. [NEWS1]

Looking at today’s National Assembly, those reactions may seem striking. Since the DP secured an overwhelming majority in the 22nd general election and won the presidency, launching the Lee Jae Myung administration, legislative proceedings have increasingly been dominated by the ruling party’s unilateral actions.

A key example is the passage of prosecutorial reform legislation that effectively abolishes the prosecution service. The law transfers investigative functions to a new serious crimes investigation office and prosecutorial authority to a separate public prosecution office. Although the opposition People Power Party attempted to resist through a filibuster, the ruling party used its parliamentary majority to push the bill through.

Additionally, 105 DP lawmakers formed a group calling for the cancellation of indictments, arguing that prosecutors under the Yoon Suk Yeol administration fabricated charges in cases involving President Lee. A special parliamentary inquiry into alleged prosecutorial misconduct has also been launched, raising concerns that the legislature is collectively intervening in specific legal cases — an unprecedented move.

While opposition lawmakers formally participate in the inquiry, key decisions have been made without them. The ruling party approved 103 witnesses after the opposition walked out, including individuals tied to controversial allegations in the Ssangbangwool case, which involves allegations of bribery with North Korea and has ensnared close former aides of the president. Meanwhile, figures requested by the opposition, such as former Justice Minister Han Dong-hoon, were excluded.

The DP has also advanced a set of judicial reform bills, including the introduction of a constitutional complaint system that effectively adds a fourth level to trials, the creation of the crime of judicial distortion and plans to increase the number of Supreme Court justices. Critics warn these measures could politicize the judiciary and weaken the finality of court rulings. Shortly after the judicial distortion law passed, Chief Justice Jo Hee-de became the subject of a complaint, raising concerns about pressure on judges and prosecutors and potential political influence over the courts.

The party has further signaled its intention to take control of all standing committee chair positions in the National Assembly. Party leader Jung Chung-rae stated that the DP would assume full responsibility for committee leadership in the second half of the term. This shift accelerated after President Lee remarked in a Cabinet meeting that legislative work was being obstructed when opposition lawmakers chaired committees and that majority rule should prevail after sufficient debate.

The disarray within the People Power Party, which has struggled to recover politically even after former President Yoon Suk Yeol’s impeachment and life sentence, has contributed to the ruling party’s dominance. President Lee’s high approval ratings may reflect the public’s willingness to allow the administration to pursue its agenda. However, Korea’s political history shows that the unchecked exercise of power often produces backlash.

Chief Justice Jo Hee-de arrives at the Supreme Court in Seocho District, southern Seoul, on March 12, when the government promulgated and enacted three judicial reform laws. On the same day, he was reported to the National Police Agency on charges of judicial distortion in connection with the Supreme Court’s remand ruling in President Lee Jae Myung’s election law violation case. [NEWS1]

During the Roh Moo-hyun administration, the Uri Party secured a parliamentary majority in 2004 and pushed forward progressive reforms, including efforts to repeal the National Security Act. But it faced criticism for ideological unilateralism and lack of cooperation with the opposition. By late 2006, approval ratings had fallen sharply, leading to a conservative victory in the 2007 presidential election.

After winning a majority in 2008, the Lee Myung-bak administration was accused of attempting to control state institutions and the media while policy bias drew public criticism. Its approval ratings fell from around 50 percent early in the term to the 20 percent range by the end. The Park Geun-hye administration similarly relied on parliamentary dominance following the 2012 election, but controversies led to plummeting approval ratings, impeachment and defeat in the 2017 presidential election.

Under the Moon Jae-in administration, the DP won 180 seats in 2020 and pushed through fast-track legislation. However, criticism over real estate policy failures and the Cho Kuk controversy led to declining support and eventual loss of power in 2022. Former President Yoon also faced backlash after using his veto power extensively and advancing policies unilaterally, contributing to a landslide defeat in the 2024 general election.

These precedents underscore a consistent lesson: Neglecting cooperation and focusing on the exercise of power can alienate public opinion. There is no guarantee that the current administration will be an exception.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.